they firmly declared: “We must obey God as ruler rather than men,” that is, when human laws or requirements clashed with those of God.—Acts 5:29.

JESUS’ TRIAL

When Jesus was brought to trial before the Roman governor Pontius Pilate, he was charged by the religious leaders with grave offenses: “subverting [the Jewish] nation and forbidding the paying of taxes to Caesar and saying he himself is Christ a king.” (Luke 23:1, 2) This three-pronged charge actually meant they were accusing Jesus of high treason or, as the Romans expressed it, crimen laesae majestatis (today called “lese majesty”). Pilate recognized this when later saying, “You brought this man to me as one inciting the people to revolt.” (Luke 23:13, 14) In 48 B.C.E., the statute called Lex Julia Majestatis had made it an offense to engage in any activity against the sovereign power or the Commonwealth of Rome. This law was given broad application so that, by Jesus’ time, virtually any insult to Caesar or any activity giving an outward appearance of sedition could be the basis for the charge of treason. Tiberius, the Caesar then reigning, was particularly sensitive to criticism or opposition, and his rule was noted for the encouragement of “informers” who would bring accusations against supposed traitors.

Throughout the Roman Empire no king could rule without Caesar’s consent and appointment. Thus, Pilate, in questioning Jesus, apparently concentrated his interrogation on the issue of Jesus’ kingship. (Matt. 27:11; Mark 15:2; Luke 23:3; John 18:33-37) Pilate endeavored to free Jesus as guiltless but the Jewish leaders cried out: “If you release this man, you are not a friend of Caesar. Every man making himself a king speaks against Caesar.” (John 19:12) The term “friend of Caesar” was a title of honor often bestowed on provincial governors; but the Jewish leaders here evidently used it in a general way, implying that Pilate was laying himself open to the charge of condoning high treason. Fear of a jealous emperor was a factor influencing Pilate in pronouncing the death sentence on an innocent man. Meanwhile the priests loudly proclaimed their loyalty to the imperial throne, saying, “We have no king but Caesar,” thereby rejecting any theocratic rule. (John 19:13-16; compare Isaiah 9:6, 7; 33:22.) They objected in vain to the title of “King of the Jews” that Pilate had placed on Jesus’ stake. (John 19:19-22) The Romans customarily posted a sign identifying the crime for which a criminal was condemned.

PAUL’S APPEAL AND IMPRISONMENT

When the Jewish religious leaders of Thessalonica formed a mob to try to stop the preaching of Paul and Silas, they also trumped up a similar charge of treason against the imperial throne. (Acts 17:1-9) By now Claudius (41-54 C.E.) was ruling as Caesar, having succeeded Caligula (Gaius), Tiberius’ successor, in 41 C.E.—Acts 11:28.

The remainder of the Biblical references to Caesar apply to Nero, who ruled from 54 to 68 C.E. He was the fifth and last emperor who could lay claim to blood descent in the Caesar family. Through the maneuvering of his mother, Agrippina, Nero was adopted by Emperor Claudius in 50 C.E. Claudius is believed to have been poisoned in 54 C.E., and Nero, in his seventeenth year, took the throne, even over Claudius’ own son, Britannicus. Britannicus was murdered the following year. For five years Nero submitted to guidance by Seneca the philosopher, Burrus, the head of the Praetorian Guard, and Agrippina, his ambitious mother. Then his passionate and savage disposition broke loose; he had his mother murdered and thereafter devoted himself to an egotistical career in the arts and to debauchery. Due to his fear of plots against him, a series of murders and executions were carried out at his order. Condemned by the Senate in a period of revolt, Nero committed suicide in 68 C.E., at about the age of 31.

It was to Nero that Paul referred when on trial in Caesarea before Festus, evidently about 58 C.E. Paul denied any guilt due to acts against Caesar and refused to submit to a trial in Jerusalem, saying: “I am standing before the judgment seat of Caesar, where I ought to be judged. . . . I appeal to Caesar!” (Acts 25:1, 6-11) Paul was here exercising his rights as a Roman citizen. Such appeal to Caesar could be made not only after the pronouncement of judgment but at any earlier point in the trial. Since Festus gave evidence of not wanting to decide the matter himself, and since a trial in Jerusalem held virtually no hope of justice, Paul made this formal petition to be judged by the highest court of the empire. It appears that in some cases the appeal could be denied, as, for example, in the case of a thief, pirate or seditionist caught in the act. Likely for this reason Festus conferred first with “the assembly of counselors” before admitting the appeal. The subsequent hearing before visiting King Agrippa was in order that Festus might have clearer information to submit in transmitting Paul’s case to “the August One,” Nero. (Acts 25:12-27; 26:32; 28:19) Paul’s appeal served a further purpose, that of taking him to Rome, fulfilling an intention expressed earlier. (Acts 19:21; Rom. 15:22-28) Jesus’ prophetic promise and the angelic message later received both show divine direction in the matter.—Acts 23:11; 27:23, 24.

It was apparently during Paul’s first imprisonment in Rome or about 60-61 C.E. that he wrote his letter to the Philippians. At the letter’s close, Paul includes the greetings of the brothers in Rome and “especially those of the household of Caesar.” (Phil. 4:21, 22) The term “household of Caesar” does not necessarily refer to the immediate family of Nero, then reigning, but may apply to those in government service, Caesar’s slaves and minor officials. Whether these Christians from Caesar’s household were products of Paul’s preaching is not stated. If his prison quarters were at all connected with the Praetorian Guard (Phil. 1:13), this would place him, and the preaching he there did, in the proximity of Nero’s palace, hence near many of the “household of Caesar.” (Acts 28:16, 30, 31) Whatever the manner of his meeting these Christians of Caesar’s household, they apparently had special interest in the brothers of Philippi. Since Philippi was a Roman colony with many retired soldiers and government servants, it may be that a number of the Christians there were related to or were friends of those on whose behalf Paul conveyed greetings.

A great fire ravaged Rome in 64 C.E., destroying about a fourth of the city. The rumor circulated that Nero was responsible and, according to Roman historian Tacitus, Nero tried to protect himself by placing the blame on “a class hated for their abominations, called Christians by the populace.” (Tacitus’ Annals XV, 44) Mass arrests followed and Christians, or suspected Christians, were put to death in large numbers, among other tortures some being burned alive in public. This appears to have marked the start of a great wave of persecution, not from religious opposers, but from political sources bent on exterminating the Christian congregation. Likely Paul, who evidently was freed after two years’ imprisonment in Rome (c. 59-61 C.E.), now experienced his second imprisonment (c. 64 or 65 C.E.). It is generally held that he thereafter was put to death at Nero’s order.—Compare 2 Timothy 1:16, 17; 4:6-8.

The Jewish revolt began in 66 C.E., two years before Nero’s death, but was not suppressed until 70 C.E. in the reign of Vespasian (69-79 C.E.). The apostle John is thought to have been exiled to the island of Patmos during the rule of Domitian (81-96 C.E.), a harsh opponent of Christianity.—Rev. 1:9.

CAESAREA

(Caes·a·reʹa).

An important seaport city built by Herod the Great on the Mediterranean seacoast during the latter part of the first century B.C.E. The original site was previously known as Straton’s or Strato’s Tower, thought to be so named after a Sidonian ruler. Now called Keisariyeh, it is situated about twenty-three miles (37 kilometers) S of Mount Carmel and about fifty-four miles (86.9 kilometers) N-NW of Jerusalem.

The Jewish historian Josephus is the prime source of information about the construction and early history of the city. Herod the Great had received the site along with Samaria and other towns, as a gift from Caesar Augustus. After rebuilding Samaria, which he named Sebaste, he turned his attention to the seacoast and proceeded to build a magnificent port and city at Strato’s Tower, the construction covering a period of ten to twelve years, and the time of its dedication coming about the year 10 B.C.E. (according to some authorities). These projects were named in honor of Caesar Augustus, the city being called Caesarea Sebastos. The city was built in Grecian style with colonnades, arches, a temple, theater, amphitheater, and a hippodrome with seating capacity for some 20,000 persons. An aqueduct supplied Caesarea with fresh water, and a drainage system underneath the city carried water and sewage out to the sea.

The major feat, however, was the construction of the city’s artificial harbor. The coastline in this area is very regular, affording virtually no protection for ships against the prevailing winds from the SW. Herod built a mole or breakwater some 200 feet (61 meters) wide out into the sea by lowering huge stones, described by Josephus as fifty feet (15.2 meters) long, eighteen feet (5.5 meters) wide, and nine feet (2.7 meters) high, setting them into water twenty fathoms (36 meters) deep and on top of reefs. The harbor entrance lay toward the N and, according to modern investigation, was 180 yards (164.6 meters) wide. Caesarea thereafter rivaled Joppa in importance as a principal seaport on the Palestinian coast S of Phoenicia. It was also situated on the caravan route running from Tyre down to Egypt and had excellent communications with the cities inland as well.

Following the removal of Herod the Great’s son, Archelaus, in the year 6 C.E., Caesarea became the official residence of the Roman procurators who governed Judea. In the Bible account of the Acts of Apostles the city figures prominently both as a seaport and a seat of government.

Philip, who had accomplished successful missionary service in Samaria, subsequently engaged in “declaring the good news” in the coastal territory from the city of Ashdod in Philistia through all the cities on up to Caesarea, about fifty-five miles (88.5 kilometers)